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Editorial
Alwyn Thomson
Comment:
Failed Politics?
Norman Hamilton
From
the Director: Words and Deeds
David W Porter
Loyalism
and Me
Philip Rankin
Real
Life
David Campton
Policing
Matters
Sam Pollock
The
Crisis Within
Eddie
Kinner
Loyalism
- The Issues
Mervyn Gibson
Scapegoating
Billy Mitchell
Review...Beyond
Retribution
Stephen Graham
Down
to Basics
Malachy
O'Doherty
Faith
in the Future
David
W Porter
For
God and His Glory Alone:
Study 1: Love
LOYALISM - THE
ISSUES
There is a story told about a Salvation Army girl collecting in the pubs
of East Belfast on a Saturday night. This particular evening she had no
newspapers to give out. As she was opening the pub door to leave one customer
shouted after her - "What about the 'War Cry'?"1
"It's still the same", she replied: "No Surrender".
In many respects the cry 'No Surrender' still encapsulates the position
of Loyalism2. But not, as some claim, a negative stubborn
head-in-the-sand approach denying progression and change in a post-modern
enlightened world, but a simple slogan that indicates Loyalism will not
capitulate to physical force Republicanism. Where the confusion arises
for some Loyalists, and others alike, is that this position does not necessarily
preclude accommodation, dialogue or even co-operation. It is in these
areas that Loyalism must define its position, establish parameters and
develop a strategy that does not allow it to be sidelined or marginalised.
Loyalism, traditionaly, has not been good at engagement - not only outside,
but also within its constituency. However, the situation has not been
helped by those within the Protestant traditions who demean and even demonise
Loyalism, in order to embrace Nationalism for selfish motives that often
equate Christianity with a specific political process or ideology.
This insecurity of engagement also derives, in part, from a lack of confidence
within the Loyalist community, a condition diagnosed by Dr Reid (Secretary
of State) as the result of living in a 'cold house'. Unfortunately neither
he nor others appear to have the capacity or will to address the symptoms.
Therefore Loyalism needs to repair the house in order to stop the chill
factor and make it into a home where there is respect, equality and justice
for all.
The cold house for Loyalism has largely been created by the failure of
the Belfast Agreement to deliver meaningful benefits to Unionism and by
their exclusion from the process that preceded it. Sadly the appeasement
that resulted from these situations continues unabated and undisguised.
The reasons for the failings of the Agreement are irrelevant, Loyalism
must move beyond the divisive pro- and anti- Agreement positions. We exist
in a post-Agreement landscape and must recognise the realities such a
situation has brought about.
Therefore Loyalism must strive to re-establish its confidence, articulate
its case and focus on the future. However, the one factor outside the
influence of Loyalism that can frustrate this journey in understanding
and the prospects of peace, is Republicanism. Sinn Fein/IRA need to decide,
once and for all, is the war over? Are they really engaged solely in democratic
politics or do they want to continue their charade of 'deniable' violence
and consolidating their apparatus of terror.
Inequalities will have to be addressed and a language that we can all
buy into - and I do not mean either Irish or Ulster Scots - must be found.
I suspect my understanding of sectarianism would differ from that of a
nationalist - one person's sectarianism is another's Sunday sport. The
Belfast Agreement has at least taught us it is futile to pretend all are
agreed, when it is clear the Belfast Agreement means all things to all
people. Spin and deceit
are not the foundations of peace.
The saddest observation
of the present situation is that the overwhelming majority of Loyalists
would probably be prepared to accept the current political set up, warts
and all, they could live with the treacherous treatment of the RUC, the
contrived institutions, even terrorists in government, if only Sinn Fein/IRA
would stop their never-ending shopping list of demands, manufactured victimhood
and orchestrated violence. Republicans must accept
the reality of difference and of demographics . there are one million
Unionists who do not want to belong to an Irish State. Equally, Loyalists
must recognise the significant moves there have been within Republicanism.
It is not Unionists who entered the Dáil - but Sinn Fein/IRA who
entered Westminster. It is not Loyalists who sit in a federal Irish Parliament,
but Republicans in a United Kingdom devolved Assembly. The Union Jack
is still the flag of the country and we remain British citizens. The reality
is that
Northern Ireland remains part of the United Kingdom; a United Ireland
is still an aspiration. Many play down these truths again under the guise
of not offending others, to the point of denying the legitimacy of the
pro-British community and destabilising Loyalism.
In the foreseeable future it is unlikely we will return to a mono-Unionism,
which for bread and butter politics is a good thing. However, Unionist
fragmentation creates difficulties in developing an effective strategy
when
addressing constitutional issues. Loyalism must find unity in diversity,
new ways to accommodate differences within Unionism. If the Loyalist paramilitaries
can do it after a violent feud and the Protestant denominations can do
it after several centuries, then it is achievable.
Of course there are many issues to be addressed internally by Loyalism,
not least paramilitary violence, racketeering and gangsterism. The increasing
lack of respect within communities for any authority is a key factor that
has to be tackled and a proper sense of pride rediscovered. These are
the building blocks of a confident future. All, especially the churches,
have a role to play in
restoring values and morality on our streets and in our families, but
how can this be achieved unless all community stakeholders engage and,
where possible, co-operate?
Loyalism is today more inclusive and open in its approach, but sadly there
has been little sign of hope. For me the story of the Salvation Army girl
in an East Belfast pub has personal resonance. It's where I minister and
pastor, it's where over recent months I have seen families burned out
of their homes and visited those in hospital who have been shot. It's
where I have heard the community cry 'No Surrender!' but in the midst
of it I also heard loyalist Para-militaries asking for all to draw back
from the brink. Sinn Féin/IRA have yet to respond, while cynically
and dangerously pursuing the Pinocchio Politic of 'it's not us' when undeniably
engaged in manipulating the violence that is only drawing us all deeper
into the mire of negative sectarianism and polarisation.
These Republican propaganda tactics have been forged out of 33 years of
justifying the unjustifiable and present a considerable challenge to Loyalism.
Some would seek Loyalism to focus its energies on engaging in a media
war.
However, when the British government, Irish government and the American
administration have difficulty in combating it, what hope has Loyalism?
Instead a Loyalist agenda needs to be forged that promotes and articulates
the positive, rather than always responding to Republicans and allowing
them to dictate the issues and control the context. Only a more confidant,
articulate and focused Loyalism is capable of engaging effectively with
Republicanism. Loyalists simply want to remain British and live at peace.
The question is, can Republicans live with such a reality?
Mervyn Gibson
is minister of Westbourne Presbyterian Church on the Lower Newtownards
Road.
1 'War
Cry' - Paper produced by the Salvation Army and distributed free,
often while collecting in pubs and clubs.
2 Loyalism has for some come to mean .working class. Unionism
and especially that embracing Para-militarism, but it is used throughout
this article in the broadest sense and in many instances could be interchanged
with Unionism.
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