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Lion&Lamb28

Lion&Lamb28

FROM STEWARDSHIP TO STEWARD - THE DEPARTMENT OF FINANCE AND PESRONNEL
Some time ago I sat in a meeting with a group of civil servants. One or two of the people expected were late and the meeting chairman mused on who was missing. "God," muttered one of those present under her breath. "Sorry’," said her neighbour thinking he’d missed something. "God ," she said, and then with ironic emphasis "the man from the Department of Finance and Personnel." "Oh, God’s representatives on earth," he replied with a wry smile.

These comments, however jovially meant, emphasise the central role and power which the Department of Finance and Personnel has had within the Northern Ireland system of government. The department’s old web-page says it all: ‘The Department is responsible for the control of expenditure of Northern Ireland Departments; liaison with Her Majesty’s Treasury and the Northern Ireland Office on financial matters … ' So, historically, it has been the Department of Finance and Personnel which has both negotiated with the Treasury on Northern Ireland’s behalf and the DFP which has held the purse strings within the Northern Ireland government system. As part of serving the Assembly this role remains largely intact with the added proviso ‘that Northern Ireland public expenditure is allocated, managed and accounted for in accordance with Ministers’ priorities and the requirements of the Assembly’.

DFP’s responsibilities do not stop with the provision of finance to government within Northern Ireland. Other groups within DFP are responsible for personnel management within the civil service, the provision of buildings and office accommodation, legal reform and the provision of legal services to Northern Ireland departments. It does not stop there, however. DFP also has responsibility for the provision of IT and research services to government departments and the valuation and rates collection agency. Aside from the breadth of these responsibilities, it is clear that the DFP and its minister play a crucial role in determining both the overall size of public sector spending in Northern Ireland and its allocation between spending priorities. DFP also plays an important role in ensuring the probity and fairness of public spending both in the award of public sector contracts (through the Government Purchasing Agency), in recruitment and in shaping the ‘culture’ governing public spending within the civil service.

The advent of the Assembly has probably made life a lot more difficult for the civil servants in DFP. Led by Mark Durkan, the minister, it is their job to steer a course between the Treasury in London who would like to reduce public spending in Northern Ireland and our ministers from health, education etc who would like larger departmental budgets. Each minister will of course have been lobbied by those affected by his or her spending decisions, and each will probably want a budget well above that which is feasible. How then to judge these alternative spending plans, particularly given the greater degree of discretion over policy now available to the Assembly?

Does a principle of justice and equality of opportunity, for example, dictate that spending on secondary education in Northern Ireland should be increased? Or, should the same resources be spent on improving cancer care, child health services or building roads? Ultimately it is not DFP which is responsible for either these dilemmas or the ultimate spending plans which emerge. The latter at least are ultimately the responsibility of the Assembly. DFP does play a crucial role, however, in helping to facilitate a compromise between often irreconcilable claims.

This balance or compromise between spending demands is important because it may affect the livelihoods and living standards of thousands of people in Northern Ireland. It is also important because it must strike a balance between spending. Economists would describe the tension between spending on short-term social needs and long-term capability building as the difference between consumption and investment. The situation is not that straightforward, however, as the amelioration of social problems can often contribute very positively to creating a climate in which economic development can take place. Government support for rural bus services or low cost child-care facilities, for example, may be significant in helping people to find and undertake paid employment.

Before the advent of the Assembly it was very largely DFP’s job to take into account these factors and to exercise stewardship over the contents of the public purse. Today the situation is different with the Assembly taking the decisions over public expenditure priorities and DFP acting as steward in their implementation.

This change is of course positive. It means that locally elected politicians – and through them each of us – have much more influence on how public money is spent in Northern Ireland. This power over the allocation of spending brings with it, however, increased responsibility both for politicians and for us as electors. We need to be prepared to ask hard questions about our politicians’ views of public spending priorities and we have a right to expect sensible answers.

For the churches too the new political dispensation has important implications. We may wish to argue alongside Martin McGuinness or Bairbre De Brún for more spending on education or health, but how well do we understand the downside? If there had to be matching cuts in spending elsewhere where would we make them? Do we favour the type of moves made in Scotland on teachers' pay, university fees etc or do we see other spending priorities? If so, can we identify and articulate a common position between the churches on what we see as future expenditure priorities? Developing such a vision would be difficult but is vital, I think, if the churches are to contribute effectively to debates about the future shape of Northern Ireland society.

Stephen Roper works in the School of Management and Economics at Queen’s University of Belfast and is Assistant Director of the Northern Ireland Economic Research Centre. He is a member of Newtownbreda Presbyterian Church.

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